Haiti

Native extinction and colonial rule

Haiti's indigenous Arawak (or Taino) population suffered near-extinction in the decades after Christopher Columbus's arrival in 1492, in possibly the worst case of the widespread depopulation which followed the first European contact with the Americas.

By the beginning of the 1600s, Spain had vacated the western third of the island. Trying to cut down on its colonists' trade with Dutch merchants that violated Madrid's mercantilistic policies, Spanish officials ordered them to the eastern part of the island, where they could be better observed by officials in the capital city of Santo Domingo.

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Haiti in the 17th and 18th centuries

French colonization

During this period, an estimated 790,000 African slaves were brought to work on sugarcane and coffee plantations (accounting in 1783-1791 for a third of the entire Atlantic slave trade), though inability to maintain slave numbers without constant re-supply from Africa meant that at its end the population numbered only some 434,000, ruled by some 31,000 whites.

Saint-Domingue also had the largest and wealthiest free population of color in the Caribbean, a group also known as the gens de couleur. In the A royal census of 1789 counted roughly 25,000 such persons. Typically these people were the descendants of the enslaved women that French colonists took as mistresses. Though many free people of color were former slaves, most members of this class appear not to have been free blacks, but rather people of mixed European and African ancestry.

The Great Slave Rebellion of 1791

On August 22, 1791, slaves in the northern region of the colony staged a massive revolt that would eventually be known as the Haitian Revolution. Eventually the rebellion spread throughout the entire colony. The rebel slaves emerged as a powerful military force, eventually coming under the leadership of Haitian heroes Toussaint L'Ouverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines and  Henri Christophe. Master by 1800 of almost the whole island, Toussaint L'Ouverture was invited to negotiate a settlement in 1802, but was seized and deported to France, where he died in captivity (1803)

Haiti in the 19th century

Postcolonial rule

Dessalines proclaimed himself emperor as Jacques I, but his increasingly oppressive rule provoked his assassination (1806), and the country's division between the rival regimes of Christophe in the north and Alexandre Sabès Pétion in the south. In 1811 Christophe proclaimed himself king, reigning as Henri I, but after his suicide in 1820 Haiti was reunited under Pétion's successor Jean Pierre Boyer , president until 1843.

 In fear of invasion by the French, Haitian officials signed on to France's demand for a venal indemnity fee. The indemnity would be paid in recognition of Haiti’s independence,

Haiti is the world's oldest black republic and the second-oldest republic in the Western Hemisphere, after the United States. Although Haiti actively assisted the independence movements of many Latin American countries, the independent nation of former slaves was excluded from the hemisphere's first regional meeting of independent nations, in Panama in 1826, and did not receive U.S. diplomatic recognition until 1862.

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Haitian Occupation of The Dominican Republic - When Santo Domingo - the eastern two-thirds of the island of Hispaniola - declared its independence in 1821, Haitian soldiers invaded the country and annexed it, as part of Boyer's attempts to keep control of the government.

A revolt led by Rivière Herald overthrew Boyer and established a brief parliamentary rule under the Constitution of 1843. A peasant revolt in the south led by Jean-Jacques Acaau, who saw Hérard's rule as elitist, succeeded in wresting control of the government and deposed Hérard after only five months in office. Philippe Guerrier succeeded him as part of a caretaker government, but he died in office in 1845. The State Council appointed Jean-Louis Pierrot president on 16 April, the day after Guerrier died, but he was overthrown in 1846 by Jean-Baptiste Riché, who died in 1847.

General Faustin Soulouque was elected President of Haiti on 1 March 1847, and put an end to the chaos that followed Boyer's deposition. Soulouque, a slave who had fought in the rebellion of 1791, had wide public appeal - wide enough, in fact, that he was able to crown himself Emperor of Haiti in 1852 as Faustin I.

Soulouque's iron rule succeeded in uniting Haiti, which to that point had been sharply divided along north-south lines. Soulouque also succeeded in uniting his opposition, which did not bode well for Soulouque's political future, but created an excellent foundation for future Haitian political development. His iron rule of Haiti came to an abrupt end in 1858 when he was deposed by General Fabre-Nicolas Geffrard, styled the Duke of Tabara. Fabre Geffrard was elected president in 1859 after Emperor Faustin was driven into exile, and in the following years he encouraged a policy of national reconciliation that worked surprisingly well. His military government surrendered authority in 1867, the same year that the Constitution of 1867 was promulgated.

Although the governments of Sylvain Salnave and Nissage Saget did not end peacefully, they were not denoted by the level of violence that characterized the 1847-1852 period. A more workable constitution was introduced under Michel Domingue in 1874 that resulted in a long period of democratic peace and development for Haiti. The debt to France was repaid in 1879 after forty years of anxiety and renegotiation, and Michel Domingue's government peacefully transferred power to Louis-Félicité Lysius Salomon-jeune, one of Haiti's more able leaders. Monetary reform and a cultural renaissance ensued with a flowering of Haitian art.

The last two decades of the nineteenth century were also marked by the development of Haitian historical and political intellectualism. The classical tradition in Haiti had always been distinguished by a strong interest in history, and major works of history in the French language, important outside Haiti itself, were published in 1847 and 1865. Haitian intellectuals engaged in a valiant war of letters against a tide of racism and social Darwinism that emerged in the late nineteenth century, led by Louis-Joseph Janvier and Antenor Firmin.

Apart from the collapse of Salomon's government in 1889, the Constitution of 1867 saw peaceful and progressive transitions in government that did much to improve the economy and stability of the Haitian nation and the condition of its people. Peaceful successions in 1896 and 1902 restored the faith of the Haitian people in legal institutions and frameworks. The development of industrial sugar and rum industries near Port au Prince made Haiti, for a while, a model for economic growth in Latin American countries.

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Haiti in the 20th century

1915-1934: U.S. Occupation

The U.S. Occupation of Haiti  of July 28, 1915, followed after the mob execution of Haiti's leader, but was largely justified to the public as a consolidation of American control in the face of a possible German invasion of the Island, an unfounded claim playing on hysteria related to World War I.

Charlemagne Péralte, the most popular leader of the opposition to the American occupation, was murdered by an American marine.

1957-1986: Duvalier regime

The election to the presidency of Francois Duvalier (1957) led to the emergence of a repressive and corrupt regime combining violence against political opponents with exploitation of the traditional religious practices commonly known as "Voodoo": proclaiming himself president for life in 1964, "Papa Doc" on his death (April 22, 1971) bequeathed power to his son Jean-Claude Duvalier  ("Baby Doc").

1986-1991: Provisional governments

From February 7, 1986 - when the 29-year dictatorship of the Duvalier family ended - until 1991, Haiti was ruled by a series of provisional governments. In 1987, a constitution was ratified that provides for an elected, bicameral parliament, an elected president that serves as head of state, and a prime minister, cabinet, ministers, and supreme court appointed by the president with parliament's consent. The Haitian Constitution also provides for political decentralization through the election of mayors and administrative bodies responsible for local government.

The 1991 coup

In December 1990, Jean Bertrand Aristide, a charismatic Roman Catholic priest, won 67% of the vote in a presidential election that international observers deemed largely free and fair. Aristide took office on February 7, 1991, but was overthrown on September 30 in a violent coup led by Dr. Roger Lafontant and the Tonton Macoute.

Following the coup, Aristide began what became a 3-year period of exile. An estimated 3,000-5,000 Haitians were killed during the period of military rule. The coup created a large-scale exodus of boat people.

1994: Foreign military intervention

On 31 July 1994, as repression mounted in Haiti and a UN/OAS civilian human rights monitoring mission (MICIVIH) was expelled from the country, the UN Security Council adopted UN Security Council Resolution 940. UNSC Resolution 940 authorized member states to use all necessary means to facilitate the departure of Haiti's military leadership and to restore Haiti's constitutionally elected government to power.

By early October, the three military leaders -- Cédras, General Philippe Biamby, and Police Chief Lt. Colonel Michel François -- had departed Haiti. President Aristide and other elected officials returned on 15 October. Under the watchful eyes of international peacekeepers, restored Haitian authorities organized nationwide local and parliamentary elections in June 1995. A pro-Aristide, multi-party coalition called the Lavalas Political Organization (Organisation Politique Lavalas, OPL) swept into power at all levels. With his term ending in February 1996 and barred by the constitution from succeeding himself, President Aristide agreed to step aside and support a presidential election in December 1995. René Gracia Préval, a prominent Aristide political ally, who had been Aristide's Prime Minister in 1991, took 88% of the vote, and was sworn in to a 5-year term on 7 February 1996 during what was Haiti's first-ever transition between two democratically elected presidents

1996: Political gridlock

In late 1996, former President Aristide broke from the OPL and created a new political party, the Lavalas Family (Fanmi Lavalas, FL). The OPL, holding the majority of the parliament, renamed itself the Struggling People's Party (Organisation du Peuple en Lutte), maintaining the OPL acronym. Elections in April 1997 for the renewal of one-third of the Senate and creation of commune-level assemblies and town delegations provided the first opportunity for the former political allies to compete for elected office. Although preliminary results indicated victories for FL candidates in most races, the elections, which drew only about 5% of registered voters, were plagued with allegations of fraud and not certified by most international observers as free and fair.

Under pressure, the Préval government refused to accept the results, but did little to remedy the situation. Partisan rancor from the election dispute led to deep divisions within Parliament and between the legislative and executive branches, resulting in almost total governmental gridlock. In June 1997, Prime Minister Rosny Smarth resigned. Two successors proposed by President Préval thereafter were rejected by the legislature. Eventually, in December 1998, Jacques-Édouard Alexis was confirmed as Prime Minister.

During this gridlock period, the government was unable to organize the local and parliamentary elections due in late 1998. In early January 1999, President Préval dismissed legislators whose terms had expired - the entire Chamber of Deputies and all but nine members of the Senate - and converted local elected officials into state employees. The President and Prime Minister then ruled by decree, establishing a cabinet composed almost entirely of FL partisans. Under pressure from a new political coalition called the Democratic Consultation Group (ESPACE), the government allocated three seats of the nine-member Provisional Electoral Council (Conseil Electoral Provisoire, CEP) to opposition groups and mandated the CEP to organize the overdue elections for the end of 1999.

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Haiti in the 21st century

2000: The electoral crisis

Following several delays, the first round of elections for local councils, municipal governments, town delegates, the Chamber of Deputies, and two-thirds of the Senate took place on 21 May 2000. The election drew the participation of a multitude of candidates from a wide array of political parties and a voter turnout of more than 60%.

Controversy mired the good start, however, when the CEP used a disputed methodology to determine the winners of the Senate races, thus avoiding run-off elections and giving the FL a virtual sweep in the first round. The flawed vote count, combined with the lack of CEP follow-up of investigations of alleged irregularities and fraud, undercut the credibility of that body, whose President fled Haiti and two members eventually resigned rather than accede to government pressure to release the erroneous results.

Alleged electoral manipulation and subsequent intransigence of the Haitian authorities in the face of international pressure led by the OAS to implement corrective measures, led to sharp foreign criticism of the Government of Haiti. On 28 August 2000, Haiti's new parliament, including 10 Senators accorded victory under the disputed vote count, was convened.

Concurrently, most opposition parties regrouped in a tactical alliance that eventually became the Democratic Convergence (Convergence Democratique, CD). The Convergence demanded that the May elections were so fraudulent that they should be annulled and held again under a new CEP, but only after then President Préval had stood down and been replaced by a provisional government. In the meantime, the opposition announced it would boycott the November presidential and senatorial elections.

A number of diplomatic missions by the OAS, the Caribbean Community (Caricom) and the United States had sought to delay Parliament's seating until the electoral issues could be resolved. When these efforts failed and Parliament was seated, Haiti's main bilateral donors announced the end of "business as usual." They moved to re-channel Haitian assistance away from the government, and announced that they would not support or send observers to the November elections.

In the absence of a solution and in keeping with the timetable established by the Haitian Constitution, elections for President and nine Senators took place on 26 November 2000. All major opposition parties boycotted these elections in which voter participation was very low. Jean Bertrand Aristide emerged as the victor of these elections and the candidates of his Fanmi Lavalas swept all nine contested Senate seats.

On 14 December 2000 the Democratic Convergence announced it would create a provisional government that would assume "office" on 7 February - the day of president-elect Aristide's inauguration. The primary objective of this "government" would be to organize new elections. To forestall a more serious crisis, a United States diplomatic mission in late December obtained Aristide's agreement to an eight-point plan that among others things would revise the May elections and create a new electoral council.

In early February 2001, a group of prominent Haitians, known as the Commission of Facilitation of the Civil Society Initiative and a representative of the OAS brought together for face-to-face negotiations representatives of the Fanmi Lavalas and the Democratic Convergence. The talks collapsed on 6 February on the eve of the presidential inauguration. The Family Lavalas would not moved beyond its eight-point commitment of December. The Democratic Convergence insisted on the annulment of the 21 May and the 6 November 2000 elections as well as on broad power-sharing arrangements for the Convergence in the government.

On 7 February 2001, Jean Bertrand Aristide was sworn in as the new Haitian president. That same day, the Democratic Convergence swore in Gerard Gourgue "Provisional President of the Government of Consensus and National Union." As of the date of this report, there have been no further direct talks between the Fanmi Lavalas and the Democratic Convergence.

International Military Presence

Since the transition of the 21,000 strong MNF into a peacekeeping force on March 31, 1995, the presence of international military forces that helped end military rule was gradually ended. Initially, the U.S.-led UN peacekeeping force numbered 6,000 troops, but that number was scaled back progressively over the next 4 years as a series of UN technical missions succeeded the peacekeeping force. By January 2000, all U.S. troops stationed in Haiti had departed, though between February and September, 2000, U.S. military civil engineering and medical training missions visited Haiti for 6-week periods under the auspices of the U.S. Army Southern Command's "New Horizons" program.

In March 2000, the UN peacekeeping mission reconstituted itself as a peace building mission, the International Civilian Support Mission in Haiti (MICAH). MICAH consisted of some 80 non-uniformed UN technical advisors providing advice and material assistance in policing, justice, and human rights to the Haitian Government. MICAH's mandate ended on February 7, 2001, coincidentally with the end of the Préval administration.

2004: Revolt against Aristide

Aristide succeeded Préval in February 2001 elections. Opponents claimed the elections were not fair. They also claimed his administration didn't rein in corruption. Aristide came under criticism for failing to improve the still moribund economy as well.

Due to the objections of the opposition, elections were not held as scheduled in late 2003, and consequently the terms of most legislators expired in January, forcing Aristide to rule by decree. In December 2003, under increasing pressure, Aristide promised new elections within six months. He refused demands from the opposition that he step down immediately.

Anti-Aristide Protests in January 2004 led to violent clashes in Port au Prince, causing several deaths.

On February 5, 2004, a revolt broke out in the city of Gonaive. The main instigator was a militant gang called the Carnibal Army that had once supported Aristide, only to turn against him when its leader was shot dead in September 2003, allegedly on Aristide's orders. The rebels took control of Gonaïves and drove the ill-equipped police from the city. The rebellion began to spread, joined by exiled former soldiers and militia leaders.

On February 22, Cap-Haitien, Haiti's second-largest city, was taken by the rebels. On the same day a mediation team consisting of diplomats from the U.S., France, Canada, and the Bahamas presented a plan, which was meant to reduce Aristide's power (while allowing him to remain in office until the constitutional end of his term) in favor of a newly appointed government that would include the opposition. Although Aristide accepted the plan, it was rejected by the opposition, which continued to demand nothing less than the president's resignation.

As rebels began marching south towards Port au Prince, Aristide departed from Haiti on February 29. There is controversy over whether or not he was forced by the US to leave the country; Aristide claims that he was essentially kidnapped by the US, while US State Secretary Colin Powell and Vice President Dick Cheney maintain that he resigned. The government was taken over by supreme court chief Boniface Alexandre.

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